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Mark Hackett Mark Hackett

Leaked UN report exposes hellish atrocities in Sudan

The document was prepared by a five-member panel of monitors appointed by the Security Council. As of the time of this posting, the UN has not released it to the public.

Editor’s Note: We believe that it is important to bear witness to the atrocities underway in Sudan. This update and report includes disturbing images and language. We ask that you bear witness with us. If you are unable to out of concern for your mental health, we encourage you to read our Sudan Crisis Guide here instead. Thank you.

Photos: Imagery of reported site of alleged body disposal near El Geneina in Darfur taken 25 June 2023, 12 Aug 2023, and 06 Sep 2023. Survivors and eyewitnesses report at least 30 known mass grave sites around the city. (Sudan Conflict Observatory)

A damning report has leaked from the United Nations concerning the spiraling conflict in Sudan. The document was prepared by a five-member panel of monitors appointed by the Security Council. As of the time of this posting, the UN has not released it to the public.

Several news agencies and a growing number of people in human rights, humanitarian, and advocacy communities are in possession of the report. We have posted the full 47-page document below. A summary of some key points can be found as well.

 

The El Geneina Massacre: 10,000-15,000 Killed

When the civil war began in Khartoum on April 15, 2023, fighting between the Sudan Armed Forces (SAF) and paramilitary Rapid Support Forces (RSF) quickly spread to the western Darfur region. It was immediately clear that the RSF was going to use the fog of war to target the region’s historic ethnic African minorities, who have been oppressed by the RSF for years.

 

Wait, what’s happening in Sudan?

One of the gravest armed conflicts and humanitarian catastrophes in the world. We have the basic information you need.

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Between April and June of 2023, the UN monitors write that El Geneina in West Darfur descended into "intense violence" (pg.18). The African Masalit tribe was the primary target of ethnic cleansing, which was led by the RSF and their local Arab militia allies. It is noteworthy that the panel describes preparations for the massacre began weeks before the war even began:

“The attacks were planned, coordinated, and executed by RSF and their allied Arab militias…The largest mobilization (of Arab militia) within El Geneina took place weeks before 15 April, when clashes in Khartoum commenced, and went on until 24 April. These militias were assembled in various areas in El Geneina and surrounding areas…

RSF established local headquarters in neighbourhoods that served as operational centres. Amir Masar (Arab militia leader and recruiter) frequently visited some of these headquarters, distributing weapons, and coordinating RSF-militia. In addition, allied militias established their own operational centres which were frequently visited by RSF officers for coordination purposes.

Map: Key locations mentioned in this summary. Click or tap to expand. (Operation Broken Silence)

The ethnic cleansing of El Geneina seems to have been planned in great deal by the RSF and their allies, with the apparent aim to maximize their destruction of the Masalit people:

“Between 24 April and 19 June, the city of El Geneina in West Darfur underwent a period of intense violence. This was followed by the takeover of SAFs' 51 Division in Ardamatta on 4 November by RSF. Historic ethnic tensions between communities were instrumentalised by prominent military, political, and traditional leaders for their own political and economic gain. RSF and allied militia deliberately targeted civilian neighbourhoods, IDP gathering sites, and IDP camps, schools, mosques, and hospitals, while looting homes, INGOs and UN compounds. Furthermore, they deliberately rendered useless water pumps that were vital for the survival of the community. RSF and allied militia deliberately targeted Masalit community…

There were 120 IDP gathering sites in El Geneina locality, hosting over 80,000 people, mostly Masalit, who were displaced in previous attacks on their community. During the recent violence, these IDP gathering sites were systematically attacked, looted, burnt and destroyed. The severe and widespread attacks on these sites and neighbourhoods caused renewed displacement.”

Civilians sought shelter in various schools and mosques, with the Azahara girls' boarding school in Al Madaris becoming a large gathering site housing an esimated 1,000 families, over 5,000 people. Next to it, the Algadima school, sheltered 3,500 families. These sites and others were bombed with heavy artillery and mortar. On 12 June, witnesses relayed that approximately 26 bombs hit IDP gathering sites in one day. Although exact numbers were difficult to establish, witnesses reported significant number of deaths and injured, including women and children, some estimating between 60 and 70 casualties daily…

Following the killing of the Wali, Masalit and other African communities decided to seek protection at Ardamatta. At midnight, a convoy of thousands of people, including women, children, injured, elderly, vehicles, and animals moved from Al Madaris and Al Jamarek neighbourhoods towards Ardamatta. When reaching Ashati area and Anasim bridge, RSF and allied militia indiscriminately opened fire on the convoy. Survivors reported that an estimated 1,000 people were killed.”

Photos of IDP gathering sites targeted and destroyed during the violence in El Geneina. (UN confidential source)

Despite the ethnic nature of the killings, page 21 of the report explains how brave members of El Geneina’s Arab communities refused to participate in the slaughter of their Masalit neighbors, and in some cases put themselves in harms way to save them:

“It is important to note that not all members of the Arab communities were involved in the violence, and that many actively protected the Masalit people. Masalit individuals found refuge in the homes of their Arab neighbours, who assisted them in escaping to Adré, Chad. Many Masalit leaders expressed gratitude for being released based on assurances and declarations of innocence from their Arab neighbours.”

The panel goes on to explain how the RSF and their allied Arab militias continued their ethnic cleansing campaign in great detail to the very end. From page 25:

“Between 14 and 17 June, an estimated 12,000 people, including women and children, left El Geneina for Adré (Chad) by foot. When reaching RSF checkpoints women and men were separated, harassed, searched, robbed, and physically assaulted. Young men were particularly targeted and interrogated about their ethnicity. If identified as Masalit, many were summarily executed with a shot to the head. Women were physically and sexually assaulted. Indiscriminate shootings also injured and killed women and children. All testimonies mentioned many dead bodies along the road, including those of women, children and young men.”

The UN monitors collected evidence and testimonies from over 120 interviews with victims and eyewitnesses. It was reported, consistently, that RSF and allied militias committed severe violations of international law. This appears to back up the U.S. State Department’s recent determination that war crimes, crimes against humanity, and ethnic cleansing are being committed in Sudan. Secretary of State Antony Blinken described the atrocities this way: “Masalit civilians have been hunted down and left for dead in the streets, their homes set on fire, and told that there is no place in Sudan for them.”

The scale of the mass killing in El Geneina is truly shocking. The report raises the estimated death toll to 10,000-15,000 people. This is significantly higher than previous estimates, and the UN monitors came to their revised figure after talking with intelligence sources. An estimated 555,000 individuals have fled into Chad since the beginning of the conflict.

The report also provides further details on the RSF massacre of Masalit civilians in the town of Ardamatta in November, where many survivors had sought shelter. Up to 2,000 additional men, women, and children were murdered and buried in mass graves. The report points out that “A survivor interviewed by the Panel reported being detained and tortured with several hundred other detainees, of which only four escaped.”

 

The national death toll from the war has recently been estimated at around 12,000. Based on survivor accounts and now the UN, the mass killings in West Darfur alone eclipse the entire estimated national death toll. The much larger capital city of Khartoum is also a lawless and bloodied shell of its former self, and other cities and communities have lost countless citizens to the violence. Getting an exact death count remains impossible due to ongoing violence and perpetrators covering up and denying their crimes. What we do know is that decisive global action is still sorely needed.

International community failing to halt flow of weapons and financing

The leaked UN report goes on to confirm that weapons are still flowing freely into Sudan. Special attention is given to the United Arab Emirates, which has been flying weapons from Abu Dhabi to Amdjarass in eastern Chad. The report says the weapons and ammunition are loaded onto trucks and driven across the border into Darfur, where they are distributed to the RSF. The UAE has claimed its base at Amdjarass exists for humanitarian purposes.

The weapons shipments began as far back as June 2023 and are a violation of the UN arms embargo on Sudan. The UN monitors point out that UAE flights occurred around the exact time that advanced weaponry began being used by the RSF, including drones, multiple-rocket launchers, anti-aircraft missiles, and howitzers. These are weapons systems the RSF has traditionally never had. “This new RSF firepower had a massive impact on the balance of forces on the ground,” the report says.

The report corroborates the existence of the RSF’s massive illicit financial network, which include gold-smuggling and loaning out RSF soldiers as mercenaries. The monitors write:

"Complex financial networks established by RSF before and during the war enabled it to acquire weapons, pay salaries, fund media campaigns, lobby, and buy the support of other political and armed groups.”

They are also unsparing in their indictment of the often chaotic and unorganized diplomatic efforts to end the war:

“…an excess of mediation tracks, the entrenched positions of the warring parties, and competing regional interests meant that these peace efforts had yet to stop the war, bring political settlement or address the humanitarian crisis."

Public Photo: A picture taken on June 16, 2023 shows decaying bodies in El Geneina.

What can be done?

If the promise of never again is to become reality, then it is past time for world leaders to get physical with Sudan’s war criminals. A genocide determination has not been made with regards to Sudan, but the evidence available strongly suggests that the RSF is engaged in crimes that meet this high legal threshold.

Immediate steps the international community should take are glaringly obvious. Fully funding cash-strapped humanitarian efforts in diversified and creative ways is the lowest of the low-hanging fruit. Shutting down illicit financial flows that are funding this senseless war is another. Drastically ramping up global efforts to enforce a true arms embargo on Sudan is needed.

With regards to the latter, the obvious place to begin is putting real pressure on the UAE to end its support to the RSF. It has been known for months that the Amdjarass base in eastern Chad is the primry point for weapons flowing to the RSF. The fact that this base still exists is truly absurd.

The United States and other parties seeking a ceasefire have asked those who are funneling weapons into Sudan to knock it off. Unsurprisingly, mediocre statements aren’t getting the job done. Considering the immense loss of human life in Sudan and the destruction still underway, it is not unreasonable to expect that world powers demand the UAE stop its actions. Failure to do so should result in the international community moving forcefully to shut down the Amdjarass resupply route, either by working intensively with the government of Chad to kick the UAE out or threatening the base with direct military force.

In his December remarks about the U.S. government determining that war crimes, crimes against humanity, and ethnic cleansing are being committed in Sudan, Secretary of State Antony Blinken rightfully said:

“Today’s determination does not preclude the possibility of future determinations as additional information about the parties’ actions becomes available. The United States is committed to building on this determination and using available tools to end this conflict and cease committing the atrocities and other abuses that are depriving the Sudanese people of freedom, peace, and justice.”

It is past time that the US and others use those “available tools.” Too many Sudanese men, women, and children are dead today because of this war and the RSF’s hatred. Human life is precious and must be protected. No one can stop this war overnight, not even the generals who started it. But there are practical things world leaders can do to cripple their ability to wage war and commit atrocities, as well as help survivors and those in danger.

The only question world leaders face is if they have the willpower to turn their commitments into reality. Time will tell, but time is something the Sudanese people are already in short supply of.

Get Involved

The crisis unfolding in Sudan is the most dangerous and destructive humanitarian catastrophe in the world. Nearly 25 million Sudanese —roughly half the country— are now in need of some form of humanitarian assistance. 7 million people have been internally-displaced and nearly 1.5 million more have fled the country.

 

Our Sudanese partners are struggling as the war spreads and program costs skyrocket. Your generosity will help them bring lifesaving relief to those who have fled Darfur.

$1,000 - Fully funds one classroom at Endure Primary School in Yida Refugee Camp for half a semester.

$500 - Delivers food to Darfuri genocide survivors who have fled to South Sudan.

$250 - Provides a daily breakfast to 10 children for an entire month in Adré refugee camp, where many Darfuri genocide survivors now live.

$100 - Supports the monthly work of a sexual assault counselor in Zamzam displacement camp in North Darfur, Sudan.

$50 - Helps repair classrooms in Yida damaged by seasonal rains and provide for general maintenance.

Checks can be make payable to Operation Broken Silence and mailed to PO Box 770900 Memphis, TN 38177-0900.

Join Miles For Sudan | Donate Stock or Crypto

Operation Broken Silence is a registered 501(c)(3) organization. Your donations are tax-deductible within the guidelines of U.S. law.

 

Shareables

Short statements you can share online and with others. Simply copy and paste.

  • A damning report has leaked from the United Nations concerning the spiraling conflict in Sudan. Learn more: https://operationbrokensilence.org/blog/leaked-un-report-exposes-hellish-atrocities-in-sudan

  • Between April and June of 2023, the UN monitors write that El Geneina in West Darfur descended into "intense violence." The African Masalit tribe was the primary target of ethnic cleansing, which was led by the RSF and their local Arab militia allies. https://operationbrokensilence.org/blog/leaked-un-report-exposes-hellish-atrocities-in-sudan

  • The scale of the mass killing in El Geneina is truly shocking. The report raises the estimated death toll to 10,000-15,000 people. https://operationbrokensilence.org/blog/leaked-un-report-exposes-hellish-atrocities-in-sudan

  • The leaked UN report goes on to confirm that weapons are still flowing freely into Sudan. Special attention is given to the United Arab Emirates, which has been flying weapons from Abu Dhabi to Amdjarass in eastern Chad. https://operationbrokensilence.org/blog/leaked-un-report-exposes-hellish-atrocities-in-sudan

  • No one can stop this war overnight, not even the generals who started it. But there are practical things world leaders can do to cripple their ability to wage war and commit atrocities, as well as help survivors and those in danger. https://operationbrokensilence.org/blog/leaked-un-report-exposes-hellish-atrocities-in-sudan

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Mark Hackett Mark Hackett

Movement Spotlight: Gary Casady

How one runner is helping to bring education to a Sudanese refugee camp.

Operation Broken Silence is a small nonprofit with a big mission of empowering Sudanese heroes in some of the most oppressed parts of their country. We’re only able to do this with the help of our movement, which includes donors, fundraisers, volunteers, and partnerships found around the world.

We want to share a story from our movement with you today! Meet Gary Casady, one of our supporters from Oregon. Gary ran virtually in our annual 5K last fall, an event that benefits local teachers in Yida Refugee Camp. He says:

“I have had the privilege of being in Sudan and surrounding countries, so am more aware than most of the disasters that have taken place there. Our son Brian has been to the Nuba Mountains and travelled with locals who have become friends. I have been able to attend a conference in Nairobi for pastors from Sudan, so am acquainted with them and the challenges of their ministries.

I have never considered myself a fundraiser. I like the phrase "friendraiser" that I have heard others use. I just engage myself with people where I feel God is working and where He moves me to be involved. I share this with friends, giving them the opportunity to ask God if He wants them involved in some way. Then I just rest in what God provides and does. 

In my weekly exercise I have a goal ‘3x3"‘, that is 3 miles three times a week. So, I have a few 5k routes marked out that I do weekly. My favorite one is the one I did for Eden's run. It is back roads that provide great scenes, hence the designation ‘Sevenmile Hill Scenic Slog.’”

Gary took one of the most innovative approaches we’ve ever seen from our virtual runners. He mapped out in detail where he would be running. In the weeks leading up to the run, he sent his course, a few pictures of it, and his fundraising page to friends and family asking them to give. Those who donated received personal thank you! Race day arrived and Gary’s wife Linda followed along to take a few photos.

By the end of his run, Gary had exceeded his $1,250 goal by raising $3,156!

Absolutely amazing! After his run, Gary emailed his supporters a touching and humorous thank you note with a few photos. Here’s what he wrote:

“Dear Friends,

We made it. Linda came along in her Subaru as my own private Paparazzi. God bless her abundantly. I came in first place to the rousing caws of ravens. You should try it sometime - design your own race and run it by yourself and you'll come in first place, hoorah. My time was a PR. How did I run so fast? It was the shoes.

We were off at 7:00am sharp as the full moon was setting in the west and the thermometer read 23F. Linda drove to critical points along the race route for photos. We arrived back home at around 7:40am. We had french toast omelets and fresh fruit for breakfast. The attached photos tell a story.

Thank you for all of your donations, encouragement, prayers and support. The cause of supporting the teachers and schools for these internally displaced kiddos is a great work in which you have all engaged. There is still time to donate through Monday.”

Gary has provided all of us a fantastic example of how to fundraise: be friendly, be direct, and have fun! His final words of encouragement for all of our fundraisers and future runners comes from his faith:

“Step into what you believe God is doing and share this with others. It is His work. He gives us the privilege to be involved. He will provide when and how He wills.”

Thank you to Gary, Linda, and all of your supporters for serving the teachers and kids in Yida Refugee Camp. The funds you raised and gave are being used to pay teacher salaries, deliver school supplies, and more. And thank you for encouraging our team with your kindness and generosity during this especially difficult season in Sudan.

Ready To Get Involved?

The current crisis unfolding in Sudan is now the most dangerous and destructive humanitarian catastrophe in the world. Nearly 25 million Sudanese —roughly half the country— are now in need of some form of humanitarian assistance. 7 million people have been internally-displaced and nearly 1.5 million more have fled the country.

Our Sudanese partners are struggling as the war spreads and program costs skyrocket. In 2024, we’re searching for 100 supporters who can give $50/month to their life-saving work. ⚡️Your first three monthly gifts will be matched by a private donor.⚡️

 
 

The Renewal is our passionate family of monthly givers supporting Sudanese heroes. When we match their grit with a monthly financial commitment, we become an unstoppable force for good.

91 more monthly givers are needed.

You’ll receive updates from our partners roughly every 4 months and an annual giving statement at the beginning of each year.

Operation Broken Silence is a registered 501(c)(3) nonprofit organization. Your donations are tax-deductible within the guidelines of U.S. law.

 

Other Ways To Help

Online Donations - You can make a one-time gift above by selecting One time.

Checks - Make payable to Operation Broken Silence and mail to PO Box 770900 Memphis, TN 38177-0900.

Start a Fundraising Page - Ask friends and family to give!

Donate Stocks & Mutual Funds here.

Give Cryptocurrency here.

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Mark Hackett Mark Hackett

Women and Conflict in Sudan

Learn about how the crisis in Sudan impacts the lives of ordinary women.

This is a brief article providing a contextual background for understanding the issues Operation Broken Silence works on. It is part of our resource list for students, teachers, and the curious and was last updated January 2024. For more information about what's happening in Sudan and our work, please sign up for our email list.


While violence touches everyone in conflict, women and girls face particular gendered violence on top of genocidal violence from their national, ethnic, racial, or religious identity. Historically men are more likely to be victims of direct killing acts while women face non-killing acts that can be overlooked, obscured, and erased from the historical record.

While some advances have been made for women —with the International Criminal Court recognizing women’s experiences as convictable war crimes— there is still more work to be done by both further advocating for women’s voices during war tribunals and removing stigma of gender violence, so women feel comfortable sharing about their experiences.

Because of this stigma, oftentimes few stories exist, which is the case for women in the Nuba Mountains of Sudan. Over the past few decades, specific instances of gender violence include forced marriages, forced relocation to Khartoum, and the mass rape of women. All of these examples break down the fundamental bond of the family and community in the Nuba Mountains.

Below is a list of further resources on the violence that women face in conflict and genocide as well as how we might enact change to stop it.

Women’s Experiences of Genocide

Resource from The United States Holocaust Memorial Museum

SUDAN - UN WOMEN

Article from the United Nations

RAPE IS A WEAPON OF WAR

Report from Amnesty International on sexual violence in Darfur

Celebrating Women’s History in Sudan

Article from Radio Dabanga

Ending Violence Against Women

Resource from the United Nations

GENOCIDE BY ATTRITION

Book with female experiences specific to the Nuba Mountains


From Learning To Action

Our free global event turns everyday runs, bike rides, and walks into lifesaving support. Every mile you put in and dollar you raise helps fund emergency aid, healthcare, and education programs led by Sudanese heroes. We also have an option where you can skip the exercise and just fundraise. Every dollar raised makes a difference.

Checks can be made payable to Operation Broken Silence and mailed to PO Box 770900 Memphis, TN 38177-0900. You can also donate stock or crypto. Operation Broken Silence a 501(c)(3) nonprofit organization. Donations are tax-deductible within the guidelines of U.S. law. Our EIN is 80-0671198.

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Mark Hackett Mark Hackett

The Responsibility To Protect

The Responsibility to Protect (R2P) is an international norm that seeks to ensure the world never again fails to halt genocide and other mass atrocity crimes.

This article provides a contextual background for understanding the issues Operation Broken Silence works on. It is part of our resource list for students, teachers, and the curious and was last updated January 2024. For more information about what's happening in Sudan and our work, please sign up for our email list.


The Responsibility to Protect (R2P) is an international norm that seeks to ensure the world never again fails to halt genocide and other mass atrocity crimes.

R2P emerged in the aftermath of the international community’s failure to respond to mass atrocity catastrophes committed in Rwanda and the former Yugoslavia during the 1990s. The International Committee on Intervention and State Sovereignty developed the concept of R2P during 2001. The Responsibility to Protect was unanimously adopted in 2005 at the UN World Summit, the largest gathering of Heads of State and Government in history.

In paragraphs 138 and 139 of the World Summit Outcome Document, R2P is introduced as:

138. Each individual State has the responsibility to protect its populations from genocide, war crimes, ethnic cleansing and crimes against humanity. This responsibility entails the prevention of such crimes, including their incitement, through appropriate and necessary means. We accept that responsibility and will act in accordance with it. The international community should, as appropriate, encourage and help States to exercise this responsibility and support the United Nations in establishing an early warning capability.

139. The international community, through the United Nations, also has the responsibility to use appropriate diplomatic, humanitarian and other peaceful means, in accordance with Chapters VI and VIII of the Charter, to help protect populations from genocide, war crimes, ethnic cleansing and crimes against humanity. In this context, we are prepared to take collective action, in a timely and decisive manner, through the Security Council, in accordance with the Charter, including Chapter VII, on a case-by-case basis and in cooperation with relevant regional organizations as appropriate, should peaceful means be inadequate and national authorities manifestly fail to protect their populations from genocide, war crimes, ethnic cleansing and crimes against humanity. We stress the need for the General Assembly to continue consideration of the responsibility to protect populations from genocide, war crimes, ethnic cleansing and crimes against humanity and its implications, bearing in mind the principles of the Charter and international law. We also intend to commit ourselves, as necessary and appropriate, to helping States build capacity to protect their populations from genocide, war crimes, ethnic cleansing and crimes against humanity and to assisting those which are under stress before crises and conflicts break out.

The Three Pillars of R2P

Based on the description above, The Responsibility to Protect is seen as having three core areas of focus, or pillars:

1. Individual State Responsibility. Every state has the responsibility to protect its populations from four mass atrocity crimes: genocide, war crimes, crimes against humanity, and ethnic cleansing.

2. International Support To Individual States. The wider international community has the responsibility to encourage and assist individual states in meeting that responsibility.

3. International Intervention. If a state is manifestly failing to protect its populations, the international community must be prepared to take appropriate collective action, in a timely and decisive manner and in accordance with the UN Charter.

Addressing A Common Misperception

R2P is often discussed as only pertaining to outside military intervention; however, that is just one component of R2P, and the least pursued option to protect civilians at that. The 2005 World Summit Outcome Document cited above clearly states “The international community, through the United Nations, also has the responsibility to use appropriate diplomatic, humanitarian and other peaceful means, in accordance with Chapters VI and VIII of the Charter, to help protect populations from genocide, war crimes, ethnic cleansing and crimes against humanity.”

Every day, many governments act to protect their citizens and assist other states in doing the same, often without any military or security support whatsoever. This can and does take on many forms, including public investment in at-risk communities, humanitarian aid, international diplomacy, improving educational outcomes, supporting the work of truth and reconciliation efforts and judicial systems, and more. Important and preventative work like this makes societies more resilient to genocide and mass atrocity crimes even if it goes largely unnoticed.

Where R2P has leaned toward armed actions, it is often in the form of security assistance to governments that are struggling to protect their citizens, removing such assistance from governments that are threatening their citizens, intelligence sharing, arms embargoes and sanctions enforcement, enforcement of the rule of law, and other similar actions. R2P has only rarely been used to sanction direct military intervention by outside states, such as the 2011 NATO-led intervention in Libya.

R2P has been invoked in more than 100 UN Security Council, General Assembly, and Human Rights Council resolutions, as well as broader resolutions about preventing genocide and armed conflict and restricting the small arms trade. Individual countries have also sought to boost their own efforts with regards to R2P, including the United States, which has codified into federal law several approaches to preventing, responding, and ending genocide and other mass atrocity crimes.


From Learning To Action

Our free global event turns everyday runs, bike rides, and walks into lifesaving support. Every mile you put in and dollar you raise helps fund emergency aid, healthcare, and education programs led by Sudanese heroes. We also have an option where you can skip the exercise and just fundraise. Every dollar raised makes a difference.

Checks can be made payable to Operation Broken Silence and mailed to PO Box 770900 Memphis, TN 38177-0900. You can also donate stock or crypto. Operation Broken Silence a 501(c)(3) nonprofit organization. Donations are tax-deductible within the guidelines of U.S. law. Our EIN is 80-0671198.

Read More
Mark Hackett Mark Hackett

The Genocide Convention

The Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide codified the crime of genocide into international law. It was adopted following the atrocities committed during the Second World War.

Photo: Delegates from countries that signed the UN Genocide Convention. United Nations.

This historical document provides a contextual background for understanding the issues Operation Broken Silence works on. It is part of our resource list for students, teachers, and the curious and was last updated January 2024. For more information about what's happening in Sudan and our work, please sign up for our email list.


The Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide (Genocide Convention) codified the crime of genocide into international law.

The Genocide Convention was the first human rights treaty adopted by the General Assembly of the United Nations on December 9, 1948, following atrocities committed during the Second World War. Although the world still struggles today to fulfill the promise of “never again” when it comes to the crime of genocide, the Genocide Convention marked a crucial step toward the development of international human rights and international criminal law as we know it today. The text can be found below.

The Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide

Approved and proposed for signature and ratification or accession by General Assembly resolution 260 A (III) of 9 December 1948 Entry into force: 12 January 1951, in accordance with article XIII

The Contracting Parties,

Having considered the declaration made by the General Assembly of the United Nations in its resolution 96 (I) dated 11 December 1946 that genocide is a crime under international law, contrary to the spirit and aims of the United Nations and condemned by the civilized world,

Recognizing that at all periods of history genocide has inflicted great losses on humanity, and

Being convinced that, in order to liberate mankind from such an odious scourge, international co-operation is required,

Hereby agree as hereinafter provided:

Article I

The Contracting Parties confirm that genocide, whether committed in time of peace or in time of war, is a crime under international law which they undertake to prevent and to punish.

Article II

In the present Convention, genocide means any of the following acts committed with intent to destroy, in whole or in part, a national, ethnical, racial or religious group, as such:

(a) Killing members of the group;

(b) Causing serious bodily or mental harm to members of the group;

(c) Deliberately inflicting on the group conditions of life calculated to bring about its physical destruction in whole or in part;

(d) Imposing measures intended to prevent births within the group;

(e) Forcibly transferring children of the group to another group. 

Article III

The following acts shall be punishable:

(a) Genocide;

(b) Conspiracy to commit genocide;

(c) Direct and public incitement to commit genocide;

(d) Attempt to commit genocide;

(e) Complicity in genocide. 

Article IV

Persons committing genocide or any of the other acts enumerated in article III shall be punished, whether they are constitutionally responsible rulers, public officials or private individuals.

Article V

The Contracting Parties undertake to enact, in accordance with their respective Constitutions, the necessary legislation to give effect to the provisions of the present Convention, and, in particular, to provide effective penalties for persons guilty of genocide or any of the other acts enumerated in article III.

Article VI

Persons charged with genocide or any of the other acts enumerated in article III shall be tried by a competent tribunal of the State in the territory of which the act was committed, or by such international penal tribunal as may have jurisdiction with respect to those Contracting Parties which shall have accepted its jurisdiction.

Article VII

Genocide and the other acts enumerated in article III shall not be considered as political crimes for the purpose of extradition.

The Contracting Parties pledge themselves in such cases to grant extradition in accordance with their laws and treaties in force.

Article VIII

Any Contracting Party may call upon the competent organs of the United Nations to take such action under the Charter of the United Nations as they consider appropriate for the prevention and suppression of acts of genocide or any of the other acts enumerated in article III.

Article IX

Disputes between the Contracting Parties relating to the interpretation, application or fulfilment of the present Convention, including those relating to the responsibility of a State for genocide or for any of the other acts enumerated in article III, shall be submitted to the International Court of Justice at the request of any of the parties to the dispute.

Article X

The present Convention, of which the Chinese, English, French, Russian and Spanish texts are equally authentic, shall bear the date of 9 December 1948.

Article XI

The present Convention shall be open until 31 December 1949 for signature on behalf of any Member of the United Nations and of any non-member State to which an invitation to sign has been addressed by the General Assembly.

The present Convention shall be ratified, and the instruments of ratification shall be deposited with the Secretary-General of the United Nations.

After 1 January 1950, the present Convention may be acceded to on behalf of any Member of the United Nations and of any non-member State which has received an invitation as aforesaid.

Instruments of accession shall be deposited with the Secretary-General of the United Nations.

Article XII

Any Contracting Party may at any time, by notification addressed to the Secretary- General of the United Nations, extend the application of the present Convention to all or any of the territories for the conduct of whose foreign relations that Contracting Party is responsible.

Article XIII

On the day when the first twenty instruments of ratification or accession have been deposited, the Secretary-General shall draw up a procès-verbal and transmit a copy thereof to each Member of the United Nations and to each of the non-member States contemplated in article XI.

The present Convention shall come into force on the ninetieth day following the date of deposit of the twentieth instrument of ratification or accession.

Any ratification or accession effected subsequent to the latter date shall become effective on the ninetieth day following the deposit of the instrument of ratification or accession.

Article XIV

The present Convention shall remain in effect for a period of ten years as from the date of its coming into force.

It shall thereafter remain in force for successive periods of five years for such Contracting Parties as have not denounced it at least six months before the expiration of the current period.

Denunciation shall be effected by a written notification addressed to the Secretary- General of the United Nations.

Article XV

If, as a result of denunciations, the number of Parties to the present Convention should become less than sixteen, the Convention shall cease to be in force as from the date on which the last of these denunciations shall become effective.

Article XVI

A request for the revision of the present Convention may be made at any time by any Contracting Party by means of a notification in writing addressed to the Secretary- General.

The General Assembly shall decide upon the steps, if any, to be taken in respect of such request.

Article XVII

The Secretary-General of the United Nations shall notify all Members of the United Nations and the non-member States contemplated in article XI of the following:

(a) Signatures, ratifications and accessions received in accordance with article XI; (b) Notifications received in accordance with article XII;

(c) The date upon which the present Convention comes into force in accordance with article XIII;

(d) Denunciations received in accordance with article XIV;

(e) The abrogation of the Convention in accordance with article XV;

(f) Notifications received in accordance with article XVI.

Article XVIII

The original of the present Convention shall be deposited in the archives of the United Nations.

A certified copy of the Convention shall be transmitted to each Member of the United Nations and to each of the non-member States contemplated in article XI.

Article XIX

The present Convention shall be registered by the Secretary-General of the United Nations on the date of its coming into force.


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Our free global event turns everyday runs, bike rides, and walks into lifesaving support. Every mile you put in and dollar you raise helps fund emergency aid, healthcare, and education programs led by Sudanese heroes. We also have an option where you can skip the exercise and just fundraise. Every dollar raised makes a difference.

We are a 501(c)3 tax-exempt organization. Your donation is tax-deductible within the guidelines of U.S. law.

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Mark Hackett Mark Hackett

The Dangers of Genocide Denial

Genocide denial is the attempt to minimize or redefine the scale and severity of a genocide, and sometimes even deny a genocide is or was being committed.

Photo: A home in Sudan’s Nuba Mountains smolders after being bombed by a regime warplane. The Sudanese government has denied committing two genocides in the region. (Operation Broken Silence)

This is a brief article providing a contextual background for understanding the issues Operation Broken Silence works on. It is part of our resource list for students, teachers, and the curious and was last updated January 2023. For more information about what's happening in Sudan and our work, please sign up for our email list.


Genocide denial is the attempt to minimize or redefine the scale and severity of a genocide, and sometimes even deny a genocide is or was being committed. It is the final stage of The 10 Stages of Genocide, a processual model that aims to demonstrate how genocides are committed.

The goal of genocide denial is twofold: cast doubt on charges of genocide to protect perpetrators and silence survivors. Genocide denial is an extended process that requires significant resources. It often begins before crimes are being committed and continues decades after the killing ends.

Examples of Genocide Denial

Campaigns of genocide denial are multi-faceted and cover a variety of actions. These are some of the common aspects that can be found in most genocide denials:

Redefining The Killing - Perpetrators and their enablers will often try to replace charges and accusations of genocide with a variety of terms, such as claiming that the killings are a “counter-insurgency” or civilians “caught in the crossfire” of a civil war. Sometimes perpetrators will even express false public remorse that civilians have been killed, but also claim that they were killed inadvertently.

Arguing Down The Numbers Of Those Killed - Human rights monitors, journalists, and other investigative entities usually don’t have full access to genocide-afflicted areas, so estimates of the number of people killed are often provided to the public. Perpetrators will often try to minimize the number of people who have been killed in the targeted group, knowing that date which is 100% accurate is not available to the world. For example, throughout the Darfur genocide, the Sudanese government regularly claimed that only 10,000 people had died, while evidence-based, conservative estimates stated over 250,000 people had been killed.

Victim Blaming - Perpetrators will often blame the victims, making false accusations that the aggressor was attacked first and they responded in “self-defense.” The most egregious perpetrators will claim that the victims “deserved it,” dehumanizing them even further to drive more killing and the silencing of survivors.

Denying Ongoing Killing - Genocide denial often starts before extermination begins, with the perpetrators brushing off concerns and warnings that a genocide they are preparing is imminent. Campaigns of denial are often become more elaborate when the killing begins. In rare moments of intense international focus, perpetrators will often deny committing or having specific knowledge of individual massacres they are accused of participating in.

Blocking Human Rights Investigations - Perpetrators will often block human rights monitors, journalists, and other investigative persons from entering afflicted areas. They will claim that outsiders are not allowed in because security is poor or blame the victim group, which may have self-armed to defend themselves. This prevents experts, humanitarian relief, and security assistance from reaching the most at-risk people and keeps the world in the dark on the specifics of a genocide.

Destruction of Evidence - Fearing criminal prosecution or an armed intervention by outside military forces, perpetrators will often dig up mass graves, burn the bodies, and try to cover up evidence and intimidate any witnesses. Documents and photographic evidence are sought out and destroyed. Lower-level perpetrators who carried out the killing face-to-face may be targeted by their commanders as part of the cover-up.

The Dangers of Genocide Denial

Genocide is a widespread enterprise, often involving tens of thousands of perpetrators up and down chains of command. Campaigns of genocide denial are rarely, if ever, successful in the long run. There are simply too many individual perpetrators involved to cover up every detail and shred of evidence, as well as survivors who have documented their own experiences.

Regardless, genocide denial still poses grave risks to victim groups and survivors, nation-states in which genocide has been committed, and international security.

Victim Groups and Survivors - Genocide denial is often painful to victim groups and survivors, even to generations who live after the crimes were committed. It is not just a denial of truth and reality, but also denies them the ability to heal, rebuild, and ease generational trauma. Research also suggests that one of the single best predictors of a future genocide is denial of a past genocide coupled with impunity for its perpetrators.

As long as the perpetrator group is in power, genocide denial provides an avenue to continue the genocide and prevent survivors and victims from finding paths forward. Yet even if perpetrators are removed from power, there are often still individuals and groups who rise up to deny a genocide. For example, Holocaust denialism still exists today despite the fall of Nazi Germany and the genocide being well-documented by the Nazis themselves.

Nation-States - Countries in which genocide has been committed and is being denied often face an array of challenges and threats in the aftermath. Large refugee and internally-displaced persons camps, devastated communities, poverty, insecurity, and more are left in the wake of a genocide. Societies are fractured and people groups –including bystanders– have lost trust in their neighbors.

Even if the perpetrator group has fallen from power, new governments often struggle to provide security, reparations, and truth and reconciliation processes to the citizenry. In some cases, genocide denial can lead to survivors taking matters into their own hands and committing revenge killings, which can lead to more genocidal massacres of the victim group.

International Security - The crime of genocide provides cover for other international crimes, such as weapons, human, and drug trafficking, wildlife poaching, and valuable natural resources being seized to fund more killing. Perpetrator militias and combatants may cross international borders to attack fleeing victims or help nearby allies, spreading chaos and insecurity as they go.

For example, Sudanese regime militias have fought in others wars in Libya, Central African Republic, and Yemen. They also control lucrative gold mines, cross international borders to poach endangered wildlife, and have participated in human and weapons trafficking networks. Their destabilizing impact has been felt throughout central, northern, and eastern Africa, not just in Sudan.


From Learning To Action

Our free global event turns everyday runs, bike rides, and walks into lifesaving support. Every mile you put in and dollar you raise helps fund emergency aid, healthcare, and education programs led by Sudanese heroes. We also have an option where you can skip the exercise and just fundraise. Every dollar raised makes a difference.

Checks can be made payable to Operation Broken Silence and mailed to PO Box 770900 Memphis, TN 38177-0900. You can also donate stock or crypto. Operation Broken Silence a 501(c)(3) nonprofit organization. Donations are tax-deductible within the guidelines of U.S. law. Our EIN is 80-0671198.

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