News & Updates
Check out the latest from Sudan and our movement
Tariq's Story – August 2023 Darfur Escape Support & Relief Update
Tariq and two of his friends fled Zalingei in late July when fighting between the army and RSF made staying impossible.
Friends and supporters,
As many of you know, Sudan’s military regime disintegrated on April 15, 2023. The army and paramilitary Rapid Support Forces, the two primary groups in the regime, went to war with each for control of Sudan. Fighting has spread across the country, with millions of Sudanese caught in the crossfire and ethnic minorities facing famine, war crimes, and even genocide.
The area hit hardest by the war is West Darfur, and South Darfur is seeing increased levels of targeted violence. The Rapid Support Forces (RSF) and their local Arab militia allies are using the fog of war to continue the genocide of ethnic African minorities that they began in the early 2000s. There are widespread reports of mass killings, gruesome executions, rapes, and pillaging. Tribal leaders in West Darfur say over 10,000 of their people have already been killed. The death toll is likely far higher.
One of our private Sudanese partners operating in Darfur has positioned several of their people in parts of South Darfur and along the Darfur-South Sudan border. They are helping refugees flee the genocide cross safely into South Sudan and providing food, clothing, and other basic necessities. Nearly 200 people have already received life-saving support.
This is a very high-risk program and the safety of these brave heroes is our top priority. We can’t release their names or information that can be used to identify their locations, but we are providing occasional updates and stories from the field so our donors and fundraisers can learn about their impact.
Tariq’s Story *
Tariq is from Zalingei in Darfur. The city’s displacement camps are home to many people who belong to African ethnic groups and have been targeted by the Rapid Support Forces and their local Arab militia allies. He says “Zalingei was my home even though it was not always easy. I was arrested once before and beaten by police.”
Tariq and two of his friends fled Zalingei in late July when fighting between the army and RSF made staying impossible. “The janjaweed stole all of our belongings but we managed to escape,” he says. Janjaweed is a term used to describe the RSF and their Arab militia allies. They left the city on foot.
Their harrowing journey through the war toward the South Sudan border lasted 16 days. Tariq and his friends say the army did nothing to protect anyone.
Our Sudanese partner provided them ground transport in South Darfur and helped them cross safely into South Sudan, giving them food when they arrived. They are now at a safe house run by our local partner.
As of the time of this posting, the situation in Zalingei has reportedly calmed, with the army claiming it has retaken control of the city. Sadly, it seems inevitable the RSF will return en force, and the army seems disinterested in protecting ordinary people. For this reason, Tariq and his friends do not plan on returning anytime soon.
“I hope to go home one day, but we cannot go back with the janjaweed breathing threats against us,” he says. “My friends are grateful to those who helped us get out. We would be dead without them. Please tell people everywhere to give so we can help more people. We can still save many lives but it takes money to do it.”
*Tariq’s name has been changed to protect his identity.
How You Can Help
In our 12 years of working alongside Sudanese heroes, we’ve never seen anything like this. Extreme violence is spreading. Entire cities and villages are being destroyed. Famine looms. Program costs are skyrocketing.
Our Sudanese partners are struggling. We’re looking for 100 individuals and families to start giving $50/month to help people escape the genocide in Darfur and meet their basic needs as they arrive.
⚡️This is a big matchmaking campaign!⚡️ The first 100 new monthly givers will be matched by a generous private donor for 3 months.
The Renewal is our passionate family of monthly givers supporting brave Sudanese heroes. When we match their grit with a monthly financial commitment, we become an unstoppable force for good.
You’ll receive a donation receipt each month and an annual giving statement at the beginning of each year. Giving monthly also comes with perks!
Operation Broken Silence is a registered 501(c)(3) nonprofit organization. Your donations are tax-deductible within the guidelines of U.S. law.
OTHER WAYS TO HELP
Donate once online or make a check payable to Operation Broken Silence and mail to PO Box 770900 Memphis, TN 38177-0900
Start a fundraising page and ask friends and family to give
Backing Sudan’s civilians is the only option left
Sudan is changing in the fires of war and the fires of civil revolution. The latter must prevail, and diplomacy must change.
In this photo released by the Sudanese Army on Tuesday, May 30, 2023, General Abdel-Fattah Burhan visits his soldiers on the Khartoum battlefield. (Sudanese Army via AP)
It took mere days of war in Sudan to show that standard diplomatic efforts to contain the violence would fail. And fail they have, miserably so. Since fighting broke out between army and paramilitary forces in April, negotiations have come and gone, humanitarian conditions have surged past emergency thresholds, and the abhorrent generals seem more hellbent on killing anyone who gets in their way with each passing week.
Current efforts are faltering and will likely collapse soon. IGAD, the East African security and economic bloc of which Sudan is a member, recently proposed a ceasefire and peace initiative that would see armed peacekeepers deployed to Khartoum. A Sudanese army general responded with the threat “I swear to god, not one of them would make it back.” Representatives from both sides are now in Jeddah to try to re-start talks, but the prevailing attitude on the frontlines is this one of extreme violence.
Millions of ordinary Sudanese citizens —the beautiful, diverse lifeblood of the country— face grim choices that compound by the hour. Life in Sudan was already difficult before this war due to the regime’s incompetence, but it is now becoming impossible. Where food can be found, prices have skyrocketed. Access to medical care is so degraded that entire swaths of the population have no healthcare access at all. And all estimated counts of the dead and wounded likely represent a fraction of reality.
A darkness beyond civil war and humanitarian catastrophe
The past few weeks have proven this crisis is exceedingly more dangerous than the “backsliding” and “risk of full-blown civil war and humanitarian crisis” narratives that abound in intergovernmental bodies and minimal media coverage. The fighting between General Abdel Fattah al-Burhan’s Sudan Armed Forces (SAF) and General Mohamed Hamdan Dagolo’s paramilitary Rapid Support Forces (RSF) has unlocked a darkness that tears at the very fabric of humanity itself.
Images of bloodied piles of dead soldiers and the destruction of basic services in Khartoum continue surfacing on social media, and the country’s once populous capital is being abandoned en masse by her citizenry.
In the long-oppressed Darfur region, genocidal massacres of the Masalit people group by the RSF and their local allies abound, with other ethnic minorities across the oppressed periphery staring down the barrel of extermination. Tribal leaders in West Darfur say over 10,000 of their people have already been killed in the region. Satellite imagery shows entire neighborhoods and villages have been burned to the ground. The authoritative Sudan Conflict Observatory has found evidence of the “targeted destruction of at least 26 communities” by the RSF up to July 10, the cutoff date of their last reporting period more than two weeks ago.
Meanwhile, in the defiant southern borderlands, the highly-restrained rebel force in the Nuba Mountains are done watching the SAF-RSF war encroach on their borders. Seeing and hearing the blaring sirens of genocide in Darfur, Nuba rebels have ended their fragile ceasefire and launched early offensive operations, hoping against hope to keep the fate of Darfur from reaching their own ethnic minority population.
Violence has reached Blue Nile in the southeast. El Obied in the center…the list goes on. But Darfur continues to be the harbinger of what is to come. On July 23, one of our Sudanese partners sent us chilling video of an Arab militiaman using a knife to behead a Masalit civilian. We don’t know the name of the individual or exact location of this barbaric crime, just that he was murdered recently in West Darfur. What we do know is countless stories of gruesome killings like this lurk beneath the surface of an already hellish war.
There is another war being waged in Sudan. It is a war against the very lifeblood of the country. Neither side is innocent, far from it, but the RSF especially are out to finish the genocide in Darfur they began years ago as the Janjaweed. All lines of civil war, humanitarian crisis, ethnic cleansing and even genocide are in the rearview mirror. The real question that looms before Sudan’s besieged citizenry is if human life can even be sustained in large parts of the country in the years ahead.
The depraved generals and their unruly chains of command have given their answer in the shoveled soil of mass graves: no, there cannot be. Letting them have the final word would be an atrocity in and of itself.
What can be done?
Nearly a decade ago, I visited a Nuba refugee camp in South Sudan to interview survivors of a now previous war and, alongside one of our Sudanese partners, lay the groundwork for our thriving childhood education program. One survivor I spoke with —a man who narrowly escaped what sounded like a SAF chemical weapons attack— turned the tables and asked me: why does the world only negotiate with the devil? Do they not know we are here and ready to help?
These are fair questions that bear heavy salience today. Negotiating with war criminals in hopes they’ll silence the guns may be the status quo of international diplomacy toward Sudan, but it has never worked in the past and it won’t work today. So what can be done if the traditional approach is going to keep failing?
Back in May, during failed talks in Jeddah, both the SAF and RSF delegations signed a short-term ceasefire and humanitarian agreement. The world focused on both sides immediately breaching the agreement. Few noticed that the SAF and RSF delegations signed the agreement only for themselves. Neither side claimed to represent the Sudanese government at the negotiating table.
In fact, no one has represented the Sudanese government since the war began. This is further evidence that Sudan is on the road to becoming a failed state, a terrifying proposition with devastating global consequences. But it’s also a window of opportunity to flip the table.
There’s only one player in Sudan that has any authority to claim it speaks for the Sudanese government: the people. Both the SAF and RSF have willingly signed away their authority, authority they should have never had in the first place. The most helpful thing the world’s diplomats can do now is to circumvent the army and Rapid Support Forces and start working directly with civilian leaders.
There are many ways to do this. For starters, American policymakers need to get their act together and fully step into the global coordinating role the U.S. often plays in crisis situations. Working in tandem with allies and other countries, international diplomats can help coalesce and support civilian leaders and activist networks in Sudan to jump-start an interim government led entirely by civilians. This is not a novel concept. As Sudan expert Alex de Waal recently noted:
That’s more than a symbolic act. They could take charge of the financial institutions of the state and bring material leverage to the table. Similar things have happened elsewhere. In Libya, for example, the central bank remained independent of the warring militias, receiving dollars from the sale of oil and paying salaries across the country. Sudan’s independent banking institutions would need technical, diplomatic and financial support from the U.S. and other donors. This would be a test of Washington’s seriousness in halting state collapse and supporting democracy.
Making such a move would also open up a wide range of possibilities beyond the traditional toolkit of sanctions, humanitarian aid, and conflict monitoring, all of which are still important.
If outside powers are going to continue pushing the SAF and RSF toward negotiations, civilians would now outrank both factions at the international level and have their long-needed voice seated permanently at the head of the table with the backing of world leaders, and the generals downgraded to the junior position. An interim government could seize control of Sudan’s financial institutions, work with international partners to get outside human rights monitors on the ground, and coordinate evacuations of high-risk areas. With urgency, civilian leaders could shutter the corrupt and inept Sudan Humanitarian Aid Commission and work directly with international agencies such as the World Food Programme and USAID to get more services and relief into parts of the country faster through resistance committees, local activists, and other unofficial channels.
These are just a few of the many, many possibilities a civilian government operating both inside and outside Sudan could pursue. The sense of powerlessness in the international community is a choice. The status quo does not have to remain the status quo.
This move is no silver bullet. No such solution exists. There’s always the risk that a major international effort could damage the legitimacy of Sudan’s civilian resistance. But that risk pales in comparison to the death and destruction that lies ahead. This path should only be taken with civilian leaders at the helm, after their vision for a path forward is clear and has buy-in from the horizontal activist networks on the street. They held the line against the army and RSF when the world failed. They’ve earned the world’s trust. It’s high time to give it to them.
Violence would undoubtedly continue; however, if the United States, Sudan’s neighbors, other African countries operating underneath the African Union, and the Europeans threw the real weight they have behind an interim civilian government and sustained the effort, countless lives could be saved. It would take some creativity, but such collective action could be used to degrade the ability of the SAF and RSF to wage war over time. At the very least, the Sudanese people would have some of the tangible international support they deserve. They would know they are not alone. That’s not nothing.
Sudan is changing in the fires of war and the fires of civil revolution. The latter must prevail. This moment calls for the diplomatic approach to change, too. Some will question if this path is wise. Maybe they are right too, but new thinking and bold action is needed either way. The status quo in international diplomacy is unsustainable. It is propping up the very generals who are burning the country to the ground.
It’s past time to hang the war criminals out to dry and lock arms with the people who actually care about the fate of Sudan: her resilient people. Smart people inside and outside Sudan can argue about how to best do that, but anything less is insanity.
We Need Your Help
In our 12 years of working alongside Sudanese heroes, we’ve never seen anything like this. Extreme violence is spreading across Sudan. Entire cities and villages are being destroyed. Program costs are skyrocketing.
Our Sudanese partners are struggling. They need 100 of us to start giving at least $50/month to help people escape the genocide in Darfur, continue their critical education and healthcare work in the Nuba Mountains, and reach more people in need. ⚡️This is a big matching campaign!⚡️ Every new monthly gift will be matched by a generous private donor for 3 months.
The Renewal is our passionate family of monthly givers supporting Sudanese teachers and healthcare professionals. When we match their grit with a monthly financial commitment, we become an unstoppable force for good.
You’ll receive updates from our partners, a donation receipt each month, and an annual giving statement. Giving monthly also comes with perks!
Operation Broken Silence is a registered 501(c)(3) nonprofit organization. Your donations are tax-deductible within the guidelines of U.S. law.
OTHER WAYS TO HELP
Make a check payable to Operation Broken Silence and mail to PO Box 770900 Memphis, TN 38177-0900
Start a fundraising page and ask friends and family to give
Our Sudanese partners have a long road ahead and need all the help they can get.
Let’s each play our small part in giving them the best chance for real, lasting change. I hope you will join me in starting your monthly gift today.
Onward,
Mark C. Hackett
Executive Director
War clouds loom over Sudan's Nuba Mountains
The multi-year ceasefire between Khartoum and the Nuba Mountains is collapsing, threatening to spread the war between former regime security forces to yet another region of the country.
Nuba fighters in Kauda, Nuba Mountains of Sudan. (AP Photo/Nariman El-Mofty)
The multi-year ceasefire between Khartoum and the Nuba Mountains region of Sudan is at risk of collapsing, threatening to spread the war between former regime security forces to yet another region of the country.
Sudan has not had a functioning government since mid-April, when the army and paramilitary Rapid Support Forces (RSF) began fighting each other for control of the country. The extreme violence has been most severe in Khartoum and the oppressed western Darfur region, where thousands of people have been murdered in a RSF-backed genocide in El-Geneina. More than 2.5 million Sudanese have been displaced across the country.
Rising Tensions in Nuba
The Nuba Mountains are nestled in South Kordofan state in southern Sudan. This is the area where most of our Sudanese partners work. The mountains are practically autonomous after decades of armed resistance to military rule. Several dozen African tribal groups who live here can trace their beautiful history back more than 2,000 years. The 1.3 million Christian, Muslim, and traditionalist Nuba people live mostly in harmony together.
The Sudanese army and their paramilitary allies committed a genocide against the Nuba people in the 1990s and another genocidal war in the 2010s. A fragile ceasefire has been in place since 2016. Today, the area is governed by the Sudan People’s Liberation Movement-North (SPLM-N), the powerful Nuba armed resistance force that developed during previous wars.
Tensions have been escalating between Khartoum and the Nuba Mountains since October 2021, when the army and RSF overthrew Sudan’s transitional government. When the regime collapsed in April and the army-RSF war began in earnest, the region was largely spared from the extreme violence. The SPLM-N has reported that nearly 200,000 displaced Sudanese have fled into the Nuba Mountains since early May.
Clashes near the western front
Insecurity in western South Kordofan has worsened over the past few weeks as fighting between the army and RSF encroached on the area. The highway between Dilling and the state capital of Kadugli further south has fallen prey to bandits and small RSF units. This not only poses a danger to thousands of people using the road to flee heavy fighting in Khartoum and El-Obied further north, but it has also disrupted trade and contributed to growing economic scarcity in southern Sudan. Pricing of basic goods in Dilling have almost doubled.
Reported fighting as of June 23, 2023. Click or tap to zoom.
On June 8, the Nuba government began mobilizing its forces after skirmishes broke out between army soldiers and SPLM-N fighters near Kadugli. The cause of the fighting is unknown, but the SPLM-N quickly gained the upper hand and took three small villages outside the state capitol. The situation has deteriorated since.
Over the past several days fighting has fanned out along the route between Dilling and Kadugli. The SPLM-N claims to control most of the road. On Wednesday Nuba fighters reached the outskirts of Dilling and briefly breached army defenses, seizing the central police station before withdrawing. No civilian casualties were reported during the SPLM-N’s time in the city, but a number of casualties were reported among the army.
Complicating this situation is the arrival of a larger RSF force in the area. RSF paramilitaries plundered the town of Debebad north of Dilling a week ago and raped three women. They also defeated army units at Teiba military base near Dilling and are consolidating their control, likely before moving south against Dilling.
On Thursday, the RSF also exchanged artillery fire with the army near Kadugli, the latter of which has reportedly abandoned their base in the south of the city and sent in warplanes to bomb nearby SPLM-N and RSF positions. Residents said the army had deployed reinforcements in the city Thursday as SPLM-N units approached from the south and east and the RSF from the west and northwest.
A Three-sided War?
There is still no reported aerial bombardment in areas of the Nuba Mountains firmly under SPLM-N control, which was the cause of much of the humanitarian crisis during the last war in the 2010s. Prices of basic goods are going up though, and there is rising concern the ceasefire will not be restarted.
It’s doubtful the army can commit military assets to a war against the Nuba Mountains right now, especially considering they remain engaged in heavy fighting with the RSF in Darfur and Khartoum. It’s also unclear how long the army can hold Kadugli and Dilling against both the SPLM-N and RSF. If the army begins to lose ground in South Kordofan, there is a high chance the Nuba SPLM-N and RSF will be fighting each other as well as the army in the near future. The army is more or less a buffer between the two right now due to their base and resupply locations.
What the RSF aims to achieve in South Kordofan is a mystery. Perhaps it’s to knock out two army garrisons or solidify another supply route to El Obied and Khartoum further north. Whatever the RSF commanders’ decision to enter South Kordofan now is, it seems unlikely the SPLM-N will allow the paramilitaries to get too close to their borders, especially considering the RSF’s atrocious history in the area.
So, where is all this heading? While the army and RSF’s past wars in the region have been incredibly destructive, none went as planned or achieved their ultimate aims. The Nuba SPLM-N is better armed, controls more territory, and is more entrenched in their mountain strongholds than ever before. Time will tell if the western front expands further and for how long. Until then, our Sudanese partners’ worries and the costs for just about everything are going up.
We Need Your Help
In our 12 years of working alongside Sudanese heroes, we’ve never seen anything like this. Extreme violence is spreading across Sudan. Entire cities and villages are being destroyed. Program costs are skyrocketing.
Our Sudanese partners are struggling. They need 100 of us to start giving at least $50/month to continue their critical education and healthcare work and reach more people in need. ⚡️This is a big matching campaign!⚡️ Every new monthly gift will be matched by a generous private donor for 3 months.
The Renewal is our passionate family of monthly givers supporting Sudanese teachers and healthcare professionals. When we match their grit with a monthly financial commitment, we become an unstoppable force for good.
98 more monthly givers are needed.
You’ll receive updates from our partners, a donation receipt each month, and an annual giving statement. Giving monthly also comes with perks!
Operation Broken Silence is a registered 501(c)(3) nonprofit organization. Your donations are tax-deductible within the guidelines of U.S. law.
OTHER WAYS TO HELP
Make a check payable to Operation Broken Silence and mail it to PO Box 770900 Memphis, TN 38177-0900
Start a fundraising page and ask friends and family to give
Nuba Education Update - June 2023
Get the latest news from our education program in the Nuba Mountains and Yida Refugee Camp.
Friends and supporters,
We have some wonderful updates from the teachers who serve in our education program below, but we first need to acknowledge what a difficult time this is for the Sudanese people.
Two months after regime security forces began fighting each other across the country, the situation in the Nuba Mountains and Yida Refugee Camp remains tense, but peaceful. The schools we support have not been hit by the escalating conflict; however, program expenses are going up due to the war. Fuel has doubled in price and the costs of some basic supplies are up roughly 50%. We’re beginning to see small numbers of refugee families arriving in Yida from elsewhere in Sudan, too.
Can you make a quick donation to these heroes of education? Your gift will be matched by a private donor! The schools need to stay fully operational despite rising costs, and it is critical to support change makers on the ground in this moment of severe crisis.
$200 provides a teacher's salary for one month.
$150 helps deliver new chalkboards and repair classrooms.
$100 provides pencils, notebooks, and other basic school supplies.
$50 gives the gift of sport by providing nets, balls, and more.
OTHER WAYS TO HELP
Make personal and DAF checks payable to Operation Broken Silence, write Education in the memo line, and mail to P.O. Box 770900 Memphis, TN, 38177-0900.
Start a fundraising page and ask friends to give!
Join The Renewal, our monthly giving family that never stops fighting for change.
Operation Broken Silence is a registered 501(c)3 nonprofit organization. Your donation is tax-deductible within the guidelines of U.S. law.
Okay, now for the updates.
In 2015, Operation Broken Silence began funding four Sudanese teachers in Yida Refugee Camp. They were giving lessons underneath a tree with a broken chalkboard. They had no textbooks, paper, pencils…nothing.
With your support, their small but bold effort has blossomed into the Endure Primary and Renewal Secondary Schools. 24 Nuba teachers work here every day —supported by an additional 6 staff— and they run the show, not us. Over 750 students are currently in their classrooms every week. Endure Primary is the top performing elementary school in the region and a treasured possession of the Nuba community. Renewal Secondary is the only fully-functioning high school in Yida. More than 10,000 children have been served by the school to date.
Operation Broken Silence is the only organization in the world supporting childhood education in Yida Refugee Camp. Beyond these schools, we support Yida’s only other secondary school, a national exam preparation program for all primary school students at other schools in Yida, and deliver classroom supplies to other schools in Yida and the Nuba Mountains. It’s been a busy, but fruitful year so far.
Amjuma’s Story
Amjuma was born in Yida Refugee Camp. Her family arrived in Yida nearly 9 years ago after the Sudanese government bombed their village. She has never seen her homeland, saying:
“My mother talks about home a lot but the people fighting in Sudan make her worried. We will stay here until it is quiet. I know Yida is not my true home.”
Today, as her family waits to return to the Nuba Mountains, Amjuma is enrolled at the Endure Primary School. She loves her teachers and the friends she has made here. Both provide a sense of normalcy in a time of great upheaval in Sudan.
“The teachers are always here before the students. They smile as we walk in every day. ‘Let’s prepare you to change our country!’ they say. I want to be a teacher one day. They can change our nation in ways the men with guns never will.”
Recent News
Schools In Yida. It’s been a bittersweet year as many families have departed Yida and returned to their villages in the Nuba Mountains. Attendance at Endure Primary is hovering at almost 500 students daily, while Renewal Secondary is holding steady at 260 students daily.
Repairs were recently completed in classrooms at Renewal Secondary that needed extra support. This included more weatherproofing, new roofs, and 3,000 new bricks made for replacement walls. This was made possible with some extra giving from our donors. The teachers and students thank you!
In May, the teachers at Renewal Secondary hosted another community-wide health awareness workshop for students, their parents, and close friends. This workshop covered basic sanitation practices and latrine-use. And annual sports activities have also kicked off at the schools! Here are a few photos from a recent soccer match.
Broader Education Support In Yida. Endure Primary School continues to serve as the central national exam preparation facility for primary students in Yida. The camp’s eight other primary schools receive support and resources annually for student test prep. This ancillary program has positively impacted nearly 700 additional students this year!
The only other high school in Yida remains afloat with our support. Vision Secondary School was founded several years ago with pledges of support from other outside nonprofits and churches, none of which materialized. Sadly, this is but one chapter in a long history of unfulfilled promises to the Nuba people. This isn’t the first mess created by others that our Nuba education partner is having to clean up. Some of the teachers we support at Renewal Secondary are serving in classrooms at Vision to fill gaps left behind by Vision’s unpaid teachers who have since left. The temporary assistance we are providing is bringing much needed stability to students there.
Classroom Supply Delivery In Yida And Nuba. Our Nuba education partner is also delivering a limited amount of school supplies to other schools in Yida, most of which operate with little to no outside support as well. Additional supplies are also being delivered to the new Tabulla Primary School in the Nuba Mountains. This is one of the villages that will also benefit from the water project we just wrapped up fundraising for. To date, a number of items have been delivered to these other schools including books, chalk, sporting equipment, and other basic supplies like pencils and paper.
Photo: Students at the Endure Primary School in Yida Refugee Camp.
How You Can Help
Funding for the teachers and students remains an uphill battle due to the war in Ukraine, which is sucking up much of the attention of globally-minded donors. Rising costs coupled to fewer donations means our Nuba education partner is running on roughly 65% of the funding they need. The good news is that this is a problem you can help us solve.
The best way to help is to join The Renewal. This is our passionate family of monthly givers supporting teachers and kids in Yida. When we match their grit with a monthly financial commitment, we become an unstoppable force for good.
You’ll receive a donation receipt each month and an annual giving statement at the beginning of each year. Giving monthly also comes with perks!
Membership Perks
Members of The Renewal are the top supporters in our movement! When you join the family, you’ll receive:
The Renewal is a big deal around here.
The Renewal giving family is sending tens of thousands of dollars to Nuba teachers every year. Will you join us?
What To Wear: Soirée For Sudan 2023
Not sure what to wear for the big night? We have you covered!
The 11th annual Soirée For Sudan is Saturday, October 7, 2023 at Crosstown Arts in Memphis, TN.
The evening is about the incredible 24 Nuba teachers at the Endure Primary and Renewal Secondary Schools in Yida Refugee Camp. It’s about the 900 students there who want to build a better Sudan. And it’s about generous supporters like you. If you haven’t gotten your tickets yet, now is the time!
Roaring 20s Theme
This was the theme of our 2018 gala and supporters have been asking to do it again ever since! You can tap or click on photos from that year’s event below to get an idea of what we mean by Roaring 20s. We’ve also included some descriptions you may find helpful.
Ladies, this was the era of the flapper! Think glitz and glam dresses and accessories. Try incorporating fringe, beading, gemstones, or feathers into your outfit. Beaded or feather headbands, long pearl necklaces, long gloves, and drop earrings are also some good ideas.
Gents, you can go as sophisticated as a three-piece suit or a bit less dressy with slacks, dress shirts with a snazzy tie or bow tie, and suspenders. A great idea for an accessory is a 1920s-style hat, such as a fedora with a wide brim or a homburg.
It’s hard to believe we’re celebrating 11 years of Soirée For Sudan. We’re looking forward to seeing all of you beautiful people Saturday, October 7 at Crosstown Arts!
If you have any questions, feel free to shoot us a quick message. Talk to you soon.
Cheers,
Anya & Mark
The Nuba Mountains
The history of the geographic region known as the Nuba Mountains stretches back thousands of years. This overview focuses on the time period after Sudan’s independence in 1956.
Photo: Traditional homes (tukuls) during the rainy season in the Nuba Mountains of Sudan. (Operation Broken Silence)
This historical overview provides a contextual background for understanding the issues Operation Broken Silence works on. It is part of our resource list for students, teachers, and the curious and was last updated November 2023. For more information about what's happening in Sudan and our work, please sign up for our email list.
Introduction
While the history of the Nuba Mountains stretches back thousands of years, this overview focuses on the time period after Sudan’s independence in 1956. A chronological examination of the Nuba region in the contemporary era can be broken out into six main periods:
Pre-Modern & Colonial Background: 200 BCE-1956 CE
Cultural Oppression: 1956-1972
The Beginnings of the Second Sudanese Civil War: 1973-1988
Nuba Face A Genocide By Attrition: 1992-2004
Peace Agreement & South Sudan Partition: 2005-2010
Second War & Genocide: 2011-2019
Since Operation Broken Silence’s primary Sudanese partners work in the Nuba Mountains, a summary of the current situation is provided at the end as well.
Map: Location of Nuba Mountains. (Operation Broken Silence)
Pre-Modern & Colonial Background: 200 BCE-1956 CE
The Nuba Mountains have an ancient history, with the first known mention of the African tribes living here and other nearby areas dating to around 200 BCE by Greek scholars Eratosthenes and Strabo.
Although this geographic area has been inhabited for millennia, little direct documentation of life here is known to have been recorded before the 1900s. This undocumented history may have roots in just how isolated the region has always been; even today, the Nuba Mountains remains one of the most isolated and marginalized regions of Sudan.
This isolation does not remove the historical causes of trouble in the region. Sitting directly on the religious, ethnic, and political border of present-day Sudan and South Sudan, this demarcation highlights the roots of historical grievances and, more recently, north-south civil wars and two attempted genocides against the Nuba people by national military regimes in Khartoum.
Photo: One of the first photographs taken of the Nuba people in eastern Kao-Nyaro in 1949. (George Rodger)
The Nuba Mountains are inhabited by roughly 100 African tribes who have been referred to collectively as Nuba for centuries. These tribes are likely remnants of previous, larger tribal groups of varying languages and cultures who Eratosthenes and Strabo briefly referred to. Interestingly, until contemporary times, people living in the Nuba Mountains used their tribal name and didn’t really consider themselves to be Nuba. Famous Nuba leader Yousif Kuwa Mekki (1945-2001) mentioned this in the last interview he gave before his passing:
“It is one of the funniest things: when you were in the Nuba Mountains, you just knew your own tribe. We for example were Miri. So if we were asked: ‘Who are the Nuba?’ we would try to say: ‘The other tribes - but not us.’ Only when we came out of the Nuba Mountains, to the north or south or west, we learned that we are all Nuba.”
Photo: An artistic rendering of British colonial troops fighting in Sudan, circa 1898. (Canva Pro)
Today, virtually all of the people living here identify with their tribe and also collectively identify as Nuba. Estimations vary wildly; however, it is generally thought that roughly 45% of the Nuba people are Christian, making the mountains home to the largest community of Christians in Sudan. Other religious affiliations include 45% of the population identifying as Muslim, with the remaining 10% following local tribal regions or identifying with no religion at all.
For centuries, the Nuba Mountains have been considered a refuge for members of African tribal groups fleeing Arab slave raiders and oppression from the north. This historical reality helped cement core aspects of Nuba identity and culture that survive to this day, including tolerance, community, and an openness to the oppressed and general suspicion of non-African outsiders.
In 1899, the Anglo-Egyptian Condominium administrated Sudan as a colony. The joint British and Egyptian colonial government invested heavily in the Arab-dominated central and eastern parts of the country. Like much of the rest of Sudan, the Nuba Mountains were marginalized and ignored. British colonial troops tried to keep separate nearby Arab tribes who were hostile toward the Nuba. At various points though, the British found themselves at odds with all sides in the region.
Cultural Oppression & Rights Removals: 1956-1972
Following Sudan's independence from British and Egyptian colonial rule on January 1, 1956, the Nuba people began to witness growing tension with Arab-dominated governments in Khartoum. The violent ideologies of Arabization and Islamization gained stronger traction in Sudan’s powerful center. Government policies leading up to the 1970s saw the Nuba people become directly oppressed by Islamic Arab elites in Khartoum. Although successive governments pushed for an Arab-dominated country, relations between many African Nuba tribes and nearby, tolerant Arab tribes actually improved during this time period.
Photo: Jazira lives in the eastern Kao-Nyaro region of the Nuba Mountains, which has been targeted for Islamization and Arabization by the Sudanese government for decades. She is nominally Muslim and can speak Arabic, but mostly uses her tribal language. Government-funded childhood education is largely non-existent in Kao-Nyaro which, interestingly, has helped Nuba tribes in Kao-Nyaro maintain their identity. (Operation Broken Silence)
The First Sudanese Civil War began in 1955. The war itself had little direct impact on the Nuba Mountains; however, as Sudanese politics in Khartoum drifted toward extremism during the war, the Nuba people began to face increasing oppression that set the stage for two devastating wars and genocides in their homeland.
While the severity of the Sudanese government’s oppression varied at the local level, there are two primary areas that played critical roles: pressure on traditional Nuba culture and land seizures. Many of these pressures on Nuba culture at this time include actions which fit into the 10 Stages of Genocide, a processual model that aims to demonstrate how the crime of genocide is committed.
Government Attempts To Erase Nuba Culture
Khartoum’s oppression of traditional Nuba culture included attempts to force name-changes (from local names to Arab ones) and replace tribal languages with Arabic. Elements of the Sudanese government and Islamic political allies in Khartoum pushed an intolerant strain of Islam onto the Nuba people.
These colonizing efforts achieved mixed results. Arabic was largely adopted as a communication language, but virtually all Nuba tribal languages remain in use. A sizable number of the Nuba people consider themselves Muslim, but Nuba Muslims and Christians live largely in harmony to this today.
Government & Arab Tribal-Backed Land Seizures
The Nuba Mountains and surrounding areas are home to some of the most fertile farmland in Sudan. The national government introduced mechanized farming in 1968, which degrading security in the region further. Some Arab tribes near the Nuba Mountains who aligned more closely with Khartoum soon found their traditional grazing and watering routes blocked by large-farms built with the support of the government.
With nowhere to go, Arab tribes such as the Baggara began to use Nuba farmland —without permission— that they traditionally stayed away from. This heightened tensions between the Nuba people, Khartoum, and some Arab tribes at odds with the Nuba.
In 1970, the Sudanese government introduced the Unregistered Land Act. This law effectively abolished communal land ownership and was an attempt to destroy the centuries-long tradition of Nuba tribes considering the farming areas around the Nuba Mountains as belonging to their communities. It stipulated that all lands not privately owned and registered would automatically belong to the government in Khartoum.
Results
By the 1970s, it was clear to Nuba leaders that a systematic campaign to Arabize and Islamize their homeland was underway. Nuba tribes began to put aside the few differences they had and move toward deeper unity. Nuba political parties and social groups emerged that attempted to solve regional issues through the lens of a broader Nuba identity.
The 1972 Addis Ababa Peace Agreement ended Sudan's civil war in the south. The agreement granted significant regional autonomy to southern Sudan. It also promised the Abyei area, located to the west of the Nuba Mountains, the right to hold a referendum on remaining a part of northern Sudan or joining the newly formed southern region. Little changed in the Nuba Mountains though. In the coming years, Khartoum’s oppression only intensified as Sudanese politics was pushed into extremism.
Photo: Displaced Nuba children and women follow well-worn paths deeper into the Nuba Mountains after receiving news of regime-backed, Arab paramilitary forces nearing their farmland. Mountain paths such as these have now existed for decades and are well-known to Nuba communities. (Operation Broken Silence)
Photo: Sudanese political leader Jaafar Nimeiry in 1983. In his second presidential tenure, Nimeiry caved to Islamists in hopes of staying in power, paving the way to the Second Sudanese Civil War and the 1985 coup that removed him from power. (US Defense Department)
The Beginnings of the Second Sudanese Civil War: 1973-1988
In 1978, large quantities of oil were discovered in the southern Sudan. Hungry for cash and power, Sudanese government leaders swiftly attempted to seize control of these areas. This violated the 1972 Addis Ababa Peace Agreement. Meanwhile, in Khartoum, Arab-Islamic extremists were on the verge of seizing control of the central government.
By 1983, extremist political power had grown so much in the north that President Nimeiry, desperate to hold onto power, declared all of Sudan an Islamic state and made the fateful decision to terminate southern autonomy. Southern and Nuba leaders had watched with growing apprehension for years as the fundamentalists consolidated power in Khartoum. Now it was clear that the violent ideology building in the north would soon be unleashed against the Nuba Mountains and all of southern Sudan.
The Sudan People's Liberation Army (SPLA) began forming in the south almost immediately. Southern soldiers mutinied across Sudanese government ranks and returned to southern Sudan to prepare for the inevitable northern invasion. SPLA forces seized large swaths of rural areas in southern Sudan.
The speed of the southern rebellion caught the Sudanese government off guard, so much so that President Nimeiry ended sharia law in the south in 1984. This did little to comfort Nuba leaders, who had been preparing for a defensive war as early as 1977. Sporadic clashes with armed Arab tribes such as the Baggara accelerated on the outskirts of the Nuba Mountains as extremism grew in Khartoum throughout the 1980s.
In response to the growing military threat from Khartoum, Nuba leaders deepened their ties with SPLA generals in the south. Small groups of Nuba leaders moved south to train with the SPLA. They returned to the Nuba Mountains with small arms and other military supplies. Tensions were on the rise in nearby Blue Nile as well, where the government of Sudan had begun arming Arab militias directly.
A coup unseated Nimeiry in 1985 and led to open fighting in southern Sudan between government forces and SPLA troops. The Second Sudanese Civil War had begun and would greatly eclipse the preceding war.
In 1986, the Sudanese army began deploying around the Nuba Mountains and arming a growing number of Arab militias. Nuba leaders responded by sending thousands of recruits to southern Sudan to train with the SPLA and return with weaponry. In 1987, a southern SPLA battalion deployed into the Nuba Mountains to strengthen Nuba defenses.
Protests swept across Sudan in 1988 as the war strained the economy. Under pressure from the economic-related protests, the government attempted to secure peace with the SPLA. A fragile agreement was finally reached; however, it was too little too late. The extremists in Khartoum were about to put their twisted vision for Sudan in motion.
Map: Facing a common a threat from Khartoum, Nuba recruits moved to southern Sudan throughout the 1980s to train with the SPLA and bring weapons and southern reinforcements back to the Nuba Mountains. (Operation Broken Silence)
Omar al-Bashir Seizes Power
In 1989, Colonel Omar al-Bashir and the National Islamic Front seized power in a military coup. Bashir took the titles of president, chief of state, prime minister, and chief of the armed forces. Wielding a Koran and an AK-47 rifle in Khartoum, Bashir declared to soldiers that he was going to reengineer the country into one dominated by an ethnic Arab elite and ruled by oppressive Islamic law.
Between 1989-1991, the Bashir regime consolidated control over the government by banning trade unions, political parties, and other non-religious institutions. Over 70,000 members of the army, police, and civil administration were purged. This highlights yet another step in the 10 Stages of Genocide.
By 1990, the Bashir regime had surrounded the Nuba Mountains with the army and Arab Islamist paramilitaries, which had been built up quietly since the junta seized power. The most notorious of these paramilitary groups was the Popular Defense Forces (PDF). The emergence of the PDF was a disturbing sign of the nature of the coming war. PDF soldiers behaved less like the armed Arab herders the Nuba people were used to seeing on their borders and more like members of a jihadist terror organization.
Skirmishes intensified in the coming months as Nuba SPLA fighters set up perimeter and fallback defenses around the Nuba Mountains. Outskirt Nuba communities were quietly evacuated for the safety of mountain caves and villages.
In 1991, the Bashir regime re-instituted sharia law for all of Sudan. Alarm bells sounded across the Nuba Mountains and southern Sudan: time to prepare for the coming war was running out.
The Nuba Face A Genocide By Attrition: 1992-2004
The war came in the summer of 1992. The Bashir regime launched a massive military offensive that swept around the Nuba Mountains and pushed deep into southern Sudan. The SPLA was driven into Sudan’s southern borderlands, far away from their Nuba allies. Tens of thousands of Arab Islamist paramilitaries were unleashed on the south Sudanese civilian population to massacre, pillage, and occupy.
Photo: A common scene in the Nuba Mountains since the early 1990s is displaced children sitting outside mountain caves. For some, a cave has been their home after their land was threatened by regime forces. For others, caves are natural bomb shelters and even a classroom. (Operation Broken Silence)
The plight of southern Sudan captured the world's attention, but the Nuba Mountains was completely cut off from the outside world. In the coming years, the Bashir regime systematically attempted to exterminate the Nuba people and their rich culture in what is now described as a genocide by attrition.
It is estimated that in 1992 alone, the Bashir regime mass murdered over 70,000 of the Nuba people. The regime’s Popular Defense Forces (PDF) seized surrounding farmland from unarmed Nuba civilians. The PDF offensive was only halted when they encountered Nuba fighters, who had entrenched themselves in perimeter foothill communities.
By 1993, hundreds of thousands of Nuba civilians had fled into mountains caves and villages. Those who did not escape were forced into what the Bashir regime dubbed "peace camps,” yet there was nothing peaceful about them. Nuba civilians were enslaved, tortured, raped, and starved by regime soldiers and paramilitaries. Survivors have since compared their experiences in the camps to the death and concentration camps of Nazi Germany.
Repeated attempts by southern SPLA forces to break through regime lines and open a relief corridor to their allies in the Nuba Mountains failed. The Nuba people were on their own.
Despite being outgunned and outnumbered, Nuba fighters blocked regime forces from entering the Nuba Mountains. Horrific battles lasted day and night for weeks on end. Eyewitness accounts report that combat between Nuba fighters and regime forces in some frontline areas was so intense that bullet casings were piled knee high.
By 1994, the situation in the Nuba Mountains had reached a truly desperate state. As Nuba fighters fought off multiple ground offensives, the Bashir regime began aerial bombing places where Nuba civilians were hiding. Survivors reported that conventional and chemical weapons were dropped on communities. The Sudanese military and their PDF allies also violently enforced a humanitarian and media blockade on the area.
Entire Nuba communities were facing living conditions that went well beyond emergency humanitarian thresholds; thousands were starving to death. Preventable disease outbreaks had become more deadly than daily aerial bombings. The PDF prevented civilians from farming by repelling Nuba attempts to retake critical farming areas. These early years of the regime’s genocide against the Nuba people represent one of the darkest chapters of Sudanese history.
Despite these bleak realities, there were glimmers of hope that this was not the way Sudan had to be. Nuba leaders quietly reached out to the nearby, moderate Arab tribes that they had built good relationships with for decades, who pledged that they would not bow to the Bashir regime’s pressure to join the war against the Nuba people.
Several dozen Arab tribesmen were so horrified by the genocide that they became smugglers for the Nuba people. In the coming years, they risked their lives and secretly slipped through regime lines to deliver food, medicine, and other basic goods to their Nuba neighbors.
Photo: Systematically cut off from basic, lifesaving supplies the genocide by attrition decimated communities in the Nuba Mountains, leaving communities struggling for food. (Operation Broken Silence)
The Silence Around The Nuba Genocide Begins To Break: 1995
With every regime effort to overrun the Nuba Mountains ending in a stalemate, the Bashir regime doubled down on the genocide by attrition strategy. Smuggling attempts of resources and supplies to the Nuba people were increasingly blocked. Aerial bombings of civilian areas were drastically expanded. What little farmland the Nuba people held onto was targeted to prevent agricultural activity.
Despite the near iron-fisted blockade on the Nuba Mountains, rumors of an armed conflict there had slowly slipped out of Sudan. As early as 1992, a small number of international organizations attempted to determine what was happening to the Nuba people. Yet, those efforts largely led to more rumors and no concrete information.
In 1995, British journalist Julie Flint slipped into the Nuba Mountains and returned with a harrowing documentary film. The film did not move world leaders to action, but it did spur a growing number of private organizations to search for ways to assist the Nuba people. In the coming years, various international NGOs smuggled relief into the Nuba Mountains by dangerous, low-profile ground transports and small aircraft. Flint's film also provided the first real counterargument to the Bashir regime’s denials.
These aid efforts were relatively small and had a minimal impact on the larger crisis the Nuba people faced. Several areas remained inaccessible for the entire conflict. Parts of the Nuba Mountains that were reached with humanitarian supplies managed to slightly improve their situation though.
By 1996, the Nuba people were fighting another war: one of cultural survival. Nuba political leaders rallied their people to make personal sacrifices for the betterment of the community. Fathers and mothers led classrooms from caves, even though there were no textbooks or chalkboards. Tribal elders orally passed down their traditions, stories, and history. Community organizers kept Nuba traditions alive by setting up famed wrestling matches. Nuba children helped their parents nurture small gardens wherever arable land could be found.
Humanitarian conditions remained abysmal, but these efforts to strengthen the Nuba identity and retain their distinct culture in the midst of the genocide were successful. Even today, many of the older generation who were part of these efforts call it “a miracle.”
The Bashir regime’s genocide against the Nuba people began faltering in 1998. Exhausted regime forces were now fighting a highly motivated, battle-hardened army of Nuba soldiers who knew the mountainous terrain by heart. Most of the civilian population was sheltered in mountain caves and knew the warning signs of impending bombings and Arab smugglers had once again found ways around the humanitarian blockade.
In 1999, regional pressure on the Bashir regime to end the broader war in southern Sudan began to have an impact in the Nuba Mountains region as well. The United Nations gained limited access to some regime-held areas around the Nuba Mountains in June; however, violence and intimidation by regime forces minimized the international presence.
Meanwhile, half a world away in Washington DC, a bipartisan group of American officials had come to view the Bashir regime as a harbinger of international terrorism that was committing genocide in southern Sudan. As the world entered a new millennium, American and international diplomatic activity concerning the crisis in Sudan ramped up.
In November 2001, over a decade after the Nuba Mountains was cut off from the outside world, the United Nations began to airlift emergency humanitarian relief directly into the Nuba Mountains. In October 2002, the United States government passed the Sudan Peace Act, comprehensive legislation that dramatically increased American support to the southern Sudanese and Nuba cause. Underneath the Bush administration, the US government began providing direct humanitarian relief and confronting the Bashir regime on the international stage. The Sudan Peace Act finally declared that regime crimes amounted to genocide.
On top of growing battlefield losses in southern Sudan and a never-ending stalemate in the Nuba Mountains, the Bashir regime found itself isolated on the international stage. Crushing American sanctions and diplomatic activity had turned Bashir and other regime leaders into global pariahs. The genocide had become too costly to continue. Fighting decreased in 2002-2004 and, seizing on the moment, American diplomats mobilized international partners and began brokering a peace agreement that aimed to address the majority of the issues between the north and south. Meanwhile in the western Darfur region of Sudan, an uprising against regime oppression had led to the beginning of another brutal genocide.
On January 9, 2005, the Bashir regime and the SPLA signed the Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA). The CPA secured a referendum vote on southern independence after an interim period of autonomy and provided solutions for a variety of other issues as well. A small UN peacekeeping and ceasefire monitoring force was deployed to the Nuba Mountains in June 2005. The war and genocide against the Nuba people had finally come to an end.
Peace Agreement & South Sudan Partition: 2005-2010
While the CPA dealt with a large number of issues that had plagued Sudan since 1956, undoubtedly the largest problem with the agreement is that it did not include a solution for the Nuba Mountains and Blue Nile regions. Unlike southern Sudan, these two areas were not given the option to have more autonomy, declare independence, or join what was about to become the world’s newest country: South Sudan.
This was a devastating decision in the peace process. The Nuba Mountains and Blue Nile were essentially sacrificed to reach a deal that would permanently end the regime’s war in southern Sudan. Negotiators stated that the Nuba Mountains and Blue Nile would be able to express what they wanted through “popular consultation votes;” however, in practice, this process was ill-defined and meaningless, creating no mechanism for either region to secure permanent peace.
Only a few short years after the CPA was signed, it was clear that peace would not last in the Nuba Mountains and Blue Nile. Under the agreement, the SPLA was supposed to withdraw from the Nuba Mountains and Blue Nile. Regime forces were supposed to reduce their number to pre-war levels to reduce tensions. Neither side cooperated fully in this area.
As early as 2008, tensions were once again on the rise as Arab paramilitaries began attacking Nuba communities. Talk of armed resistance spread throughout the Nuba Mountains as it became clear the Bashir regime was once again arming the militias. Nuba leaders began stockpiling weapons, fuel, and food in preparation for another war.
Map: Despite siding with southern Sudan during the war, the Nuba Mountains and Blue Nile were left on the north side of the border. (Operation Broken Silence)
The Second War & Attempted Genocide: 2011-2019
In January 2011 and in accordance with the CPA, a referendum vote was held in southern Sudan to determine whether the region would become an independent country or remain a part of Sudan. 99% of the southern Sudanese population voted for independence.
Meanwhile, in the Nuba Mountains, regime militia attacks on isolated Nuba communities increased throughout 2010 and 2011. Nuba leaders tacked a "N" onto SPLA for "North" and transitioned their self-defense forces into a more permanent, standing army. The Sudan People's Liberation Army/Movement-North (SPLM-N) began to import and stockpile large amounts of weapons in expectation of another war and genocide.
In May 2011, the Bashir regime rigged a gubernatorial election in South Kordofan, where the Nuba Mountains are located. Ahmed Haroun, an indicted war criminal and member of Bashir's inner circle, became governor instead of Abdel Aziz al-Hilu, the widely popular Nuba candidate.
Photo: Nuba soldiers on patrol during the rainy season near an area that would soon become the border of Sudan and South Sudan. The Nuba Mountains sit just north of the South Sudan border today. (Operation Broken Silence)
On May 23, 2011, the Bashir regime sent an ultimatum to the south Sudanese SPLA. It stated that all Nuba soldiers must withdraw south of the 1956 North-South border before June 1, 2011. The SPLA responded that the Nuba soldiers were not southern Sudanese, so they had no authority to withdraw them from the Nuba Mountains. The Bashir regime responded by deploying large numbers of army and paramilitary forces around the Nuba Mountains. Regime attacks on outlying Nuba communities began to rapidly escalated.
The return to war came early on the morning of June 6, 2011. Regime forces invaded the state capital of Kadugli and began massacring Nuba civilians. Survivors witnessed army soldiers and regime intelligence agents dragging Nuba people from their homes and executing them in the streets. Additional agents hunted through the city for Nuba leaders and intellectuals to kill.
Over a three-day period, the Bashir regime oversaw the systematic mass killing of thousands of Nuba civilians in Kadugli. Survivors who could not escape the city began fleeing to the perimeter of the UN peacekeeping base in Kadugli seeking safe haven.
A small team of UN military observers who attempted to exit the base and document survivor reports of mass killings were arrested by regime army forces, stripped naked, and submitted to a mock execution by laughing soldiers. They were sent back to their base after being warned they would be killed if they ever returned.
Meanwhile, outside the UN base in Kadugli, roughly 9,000 terrified survivors of the massacre were begging the UN to protect them. The force’s lightly armed peacekeepers and unarmed military observers expanded the protective perimeter of the camp, placing a majority of the survivors under international protection, despite the UN having neither the manpower nor firepower to be a significant deterrent to regime forces.
On June 5, regime intelligence agents and Popular Defense Forces (PDF) militiamen began breaching the protective perimeter and dragging away men, women, and children for execution. Outnumbered and outgunned UN peacekeepers stood by as Nuba civilians were abducted. Survivors witnessed regime agents examining kill lists that named Nuba individuals to be executed, yet another step of the 10 Stages of Genocide. Several of these people were shot and killed within eyesight of UN forces and the Nuba people under their protection.
Hawa Mando, a teacher and mother who was seeking refuge inside the protective perimeter on June 5, said “They had lists of people they were looking for. Local spies would point people out and they would shoot them. In front of my eyes I saw six people shot dead. They just dragged the bodies away by their feet like slaughtered sheep. People were crying and screaming and the UN soldiers just stood and watched in their watchtowers.”
By mid-June, Kadugli was under the complete control of regime forces. Local army commanders approached the UN base and ordered survivors to return home or go to a local soccer field, where they would be allowed to leave Kadugli from there. Several large trucks were brought in and began shuttling thousands of people away from the UN base. Most were never heard from again.
Photo: Nuba civilians protest on the outskirts of a UN monitoring base in the Nuba Mountains on June 27, 2011, begging the force commander and international community to intervene. The UN would instead shutter their peacekeeping and observation force. (Operation Broken Silence)
Within days of the massacre in Kadugli, the regime had launched a widespread aerial bombing campaign on communities across the Nuba Mountains. Large numbers of Sudanese army forces and allied PDF paramilitaries began to advance on the outskirts of the Nuba Mountains. Tens of thousands of Nuba civilians fled for the safety of mountains caves as thousands of Nuba soldiers marched to the frontlines.
Several weeks later, satellite imagery combined with eyewitness testimony was released confirming the existence of multiple mass grave sites around Kadugli. It is believed that these mass graves are where the thousands of people who sought protection at the UN base in Kadugli were buried. Global outcry was brief, but world leaders quickly turned away. Once again, the Nuba people were on their own.
By the end of June, less than a month after the war began, it had became clear that the Bashir regime had severely underestimated the new strength of the SPLM-N. Nuba resistance now took the form of a much larger and more cohesive fighting force than the previous war. Nuba units were better armed and trained, more mobile, and supported by artillery fire. A rapid Nuba counter-offensive against the Sudanese army and PDF led to regime forces losing 55 of the 60 frontline positions that were attacked.
Seizing on these early gains, tens of thousands of Nuba soldiers pushed out of their mountain strongholds and took control of critical farmland they had not been able to hold during the previous war. Key Sudanese army units around Kadugli were pinned down and the SPLM-N seized control of border crossings with South Sudan, allowing Nuba refugees to flee into refugee camps and for humanitarian aid to flow into the mountains, although few humanitarian organizations expressed an interest in doing so. Specialized Nuba units launched hit and run strikes on regime supply lines.
Photo: The Satellite Sentinel Project confirmed and documented mass grave sites around Kadugli. (DigitalGlobe/Maxar)
Already high Nuba civilian support for the SPLM-N soared to unprecedented levels. As survivors of the Kadugli massacre began testifying to what they witnessed to communities across the mountains, the Nuba people came to accept the grim reality that the Bashir regime was determined to erase their communities and culture from existence. Similar to the previous war and genocide, volunteers surged into the ranks of the SPLM-N. Women were allowed to fight for the first time. Teachers and tribal elders doubled down on their sharing of Nuba history and culture in their communities.
Asked to speak to the state of the war at the end of 2011, Nuba leader Abdel Aziz al Hilu said “This is the not Sudan army I know—and we are not the SPLA we were. In 1987, we attacked a 10-man police post with a 100-man company and fought all day to defeat them; on July 1 this year, we routed two SAF (army) brigades in 35 minutes.” Advancing Nuba SPLM-N forces began capturing heavy weapons from retreating regime forces. Tanks, vehicles, artillery, and anti-aircraft weapons were incorporated into the SPLM-N's growing arsenal and turned back against regime troops.
The Bashir regime’s ground war floundered. In response to growing battlefield losses, the regime leaned hard into the genocide by attrition strategy that had been so effective in the previous war and subsequent genocide. Aerial bombings of civilian areas accelerated and a humanitarian blockade order was issued.
Throughout 2012 and in the coming years, food shortages became common in the Nuba Mountains and access to basic medical care was limited to a single hospital. The bombing campaign suppressed trade, farming, and schooling, generating a new humanitarian crisis. However, conditions were not nearly as dire as they were in the 1990s, with some localized exceptions.
By 2016, it was clear that the Bashir regime’s second attempted genocide of the Nuba people was a failure.
Khartoum’s plans for a new military offensive went off the rails when SPLM-N leaders caught wind of the attack early. Nuba soldiers ambushed regime supply lines and used hit-and-run tactics to curb the military buildup. This preemptive Nuba strike largely worked: regime forces repeatedly delayed their offensive for months, and their final attack was far weaker than expected.
Against the backdrop of the regime’s war against the Nuba Mountains, Sudan’s economy was growing increasingly unstable. Small protests had begun breaking out in major cities over rising costs of basic commodities, and the war being lost in the Nuba Mountains was draining government resources. Begrudgingly, Bashir and his generals began looking for a way to reduce the scale of the conflict while not losing any additional territory around the Nuba Mountains.
The first ceasefire was announced in 2016 and successive ceasefires largely held until 2023. There was little large-scale fighting in this time; however, regime paramilitary groups such as the new Rapid Support Forces, which were born out of the Janjaweed militias in Darfur, and Popular Defense Forces sporadically attacked frontline communities.
Photo: A home smolders in the Nuba Mountains after being bombed by a regime warplane. Although much safer from ground attacks than the previous war, aerial bombings terrorized Nuba communities from 2011-2016. (Operation Broken Silence)
Photo: A Nuba mother and her daughter doing laundry in Yida Refugee Camp, the primary camp for Nuba refugees who still cannot go home. (Operation Broken Silence)
The Nuba Mountains Today (2019-Present)
In 2019, a civilian revolution swept across Sudan, leading to dictator Omar al-Bashir being overthrown by his own generals in April of that year. Following a horrific massacre of peaceful protesters in Khartoum in June, renewed protests surged across Sudan and forced the regime to the negotiating table. A transitional government that was supposed to move the country toward free elections, democracy, and protection of basic human rights was implemented.
The transitional government was overthrown by surviving regime forces in October 2021. Leading the coup were the Sudanese army and paramilitary Rapid Support Forces (RSF), two uneasy allies whose generals never saw eye-to-eye. Military leaders in both organizations desired to see themselves as Sudan’s new ruling junta, with other armed regime groups beneath them.
From the time of the coup to early 2023, conditions in Sudan deteriorated on almost fronts. Inflation surged, peaceful protests resumed, humanitarian needs spread, and the web of oppression that transitional civilian leaders had been lifting was reinforced.
The RSF used this time to double down on becoming a self-sustaining force in Sudan. RSF generals fully secured their own weapons supply lines, launched international diplomatic efforts, entrenched themselves further in Sudan’s gold-mining sector, and began recruiting more fighters, both within Sudan and from other countries across the Sahel region. These actions almost always came at the expense of ordinary Sudanese, who faced increasing attacks by RSF soldiers and dwindling economic opportunities.
Photo: SPLM-N soldiers in the Nuba Mountains stronghold of Kauda in January 2020. (AP Photo/Nariman El-Mofty)
It also deteriorated the RSF’s tenuous relationship with the more dominant army, to the point of collapse. With a long-promised peace agreement elusive and coming fracturing of the regime all but sure, Nuba leaders had begun preparing for a new war shortly after the October 2021 coup.
The new war came on April 15, 2023. The RSF launched multiple attacks on army bases across Sudan and attempted to seize government buildings in Khartoum. The lightening strike failed to knock the army out of power, with army units across the country putting up stiff resistance and bombing civilian areas RSF units attacked from. Both sides have engaged in large-scale war crimes, with the RSF using the fog of war to double down on their genocide of ethnic African minorities in Darfur.
At first, the Nuba Mountains were seen as a safe haven, with roughly 200,000 people from Khartoum and other areas fleeing into Nuba SPLM-N controlled areas.
Fighting reached the western Nuba Mountains in June 2023. Small skirmishes between the army and SPLM-N devolved into major fighting around Kadugli and spread north to Dilling. The RSF entered the fray as well, attacking army forces from the west and north. While some Nuba communities near the frontlines have been forced to evacuate and prices of basic goods have soared, life goes on as usual in much of the rest of the Nuba Mountains. There has been no widespread aerial bombings of villages as in previous wars, but the situation remains tense. It is believed that if the RSF makes serious gains in the region, more frontline communities will be at-risk.
The army-RSF war continues today, as does fighting on the western frontlines of the Nuba Mountains. For more up to date information on the situation in the Nuba Mountains and across Sudan, please visit our blog and sign up for our email list.
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